The Gulf states have spent years attempting to dealer peace between Iran and the West: Qatar brokered nuclear talks, Oman offered back-channel diplomacy, and Saudi Arabia maintained direct dialogue with Iran by way of 2024 and into 2025. Iran attacked them anyway. The concept the Gulf states have a accountability, an ethical one, to guard Iran from the results of its actions due to good neighbourliness is now grotesque in context. Iran didn’t return good neighbourliness. Iran returned ballistic missiles.
Iran’s place relies on three propositions. First, that Iran acted in lawful self-defence pursuant to Article 51 of the UN Constitution; that host nations relinquished territorial sovereignty by permitting US navy bases on their territory; and that the definition of aggression in Decision 3314 justifies the assault on these bases as lawful navy aims. Every of those propositions is legally flawed, factually skewed, and tactically incorrect. Collectively, they add as much as a authorized argument that, if accepted, would be certain that the Gulf is completely destabilised, the fundamental ideas of worldwide regulation are destroyed, and, in a curious twist, the very safety threats that Iran is reacting to are strengthened.
The self-defence declare doesn’t meet the required authorized threshold
The UN Constitution, in Article 51, permits the usage of power solely in self-defence in opposition to an “armed assault”, and this time period just isn’t outlined by reference to the state invoking it. The Worldwide Courtroom of Justice, in instances equivalent to Navy and Paramilitary Actions in and in opposition to Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States) (1986) and Oil Platforms (Iran v. United States) (2003), has interpreted the requirement of an “armed assault” below Article 51 of the UN Constitution restrictively. The Courtroom distinguished between essentially the most grave types of the usage of power, which qualify as armed assaults triggering the fitting of self-defence, and fewer grave makes use of of power that don’t. Accordingly, not each use of power, equivalent to minor incidents or restricted navy actions, quantities to an armed assault. On this gentle, the mere presence of overseas navy bases in Gulf states, maintained for many years below defence agreements with host governments, wouldn’t in itself represent an armed assault in opposition to Iran.
Necessity and proportionality are additionally a part of customary worldwide regulation, requiring that self-defence be vital and proportional. Iran has not demonstrated both. Concentrating on the territory of different sovereign Arab states in response to the coverage selections of the US is neither vital, since diplomatic and United Nations avenues are nonetheless out there, nor proportional, because it imposes navy penalties on states that aren’t a celebration to any battle with Iran.
Critically, Article 51 additionally has a compulsory procedural factor, in that any state using self-defence is instantly required to inform the Safety Council. Iran has constantly evaded this requirement in every of its escalatory actions. Whereas this will appear to be a minor factor, it’s the truth is the means by which the worldwide group is ready to confirm and examine self-defence claims. A state that evades this requirement just isn’t using Article 51. It’s exploiting the language of Article 51.
Iran’s studying of Decision 3314 is a elementary distortion
The availability of Article 3(f) of the Annex to United Nations Normal Meeting Decision 3314 (XXIX) (1974) states that an act of aggression contains the “motion of a State in permitting its territory, which it has positioned on the disposal of one other State, for use by that different State for perpetrating an act of aggression in opposition to a 3rd State”. Iran may depend on this provision to carry the Gulf states that host United States navy bases accountable for any act of aggression dedicated from their territories in opposition to Iran. Nonetheless, the mere presence of navy bases just isn’t enough to carry them to be lawful navy aims; it will rely on their precise contribution to navy actions in opposition to Iran primarily based on the principles of worldwide humanitarian regulation.
Thus, such an Iranian studying could be incorrect on three distinct authorized grounds.
First, Decision 3314 is definitional in nature. The decision was adopted to help the Safety Council in figuring out when aggression has taken place, to not confer upon states the unilateral energy to punish states deemed to have dedicated aggression by way of the usage of power. The decision itself, in Article 2, asserts the ability of the Safety Council to make the dedication of what constitutes aggression. The self-application of Article 3(f) of the decision is subsequently bypassed altogether.
Second, Article 3(f) speaks of the lively launching of an assault, not the passive internet hosting of a navy base. The authorized distinction is key. A state, in signing a defence treaty with one other and internet hosting the latter’s troops on its soil, is participating in a measure of sovereignty. A state, actively launching, coordinating, or enabling navy strikes in opposition to a 3rd celebration, is engaged in a distinct matter altogether. Iran has not credibly proven this latter case. The presence of US troops or bases within the Gulf has been a truth for many years, and this has not constituted armed aggression in opposition to Iran below any authorized normal.
Third, even when Article 3(f) had been relevant, the suitable course could be to convey the matter to the Safety Council, to not launch unilateral navy strikes. Normal Meeting resolutions don’t override the Constitution. Iran can’t depend on a non-binding decision defining phrases to override the Chapter VII necessities for the usage of power or the clear standards of Article 51.
Sovereignty can’t be dictated by a neighbour’s strategic preferences
Iran, in invoking the precept of fine neighbourliness, asks the Arab Gulf states to disclaim the US basing rights. Good neighbourliness is a two-way precept, and it doesn’t permit for interference within the inside affairs of different states, definitely not interference within the selections of different states just because they’re deemed inconvenient to the interfering state. All UN states possess the inherent proper to conclude defence treaties with whomever they select, and that is so whatever the opinion of their neighbours.
The asymmetry of Iran’s place is placing and self-disqualifying. Iran itself has lively navy relationships with Russia and China. Iran arms, funds, trains, and helps the actions of non-state navy actors in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Pressure operates brazenly in varied states, and this has been extensively documented in United Nations Panels of Consultants reviews, in addition to different worldwide monitoring reviews. In response to the requirements that Iran applies to the Gulf states, any state that hosts the actions of the IRGC, the switch of Iranian arms, or the coordination of Iranian proxies on its soil could be participating in aggression in opposition to third events. Iran is not going to settle for this precept when it’s utilized to itself. A authorized precept that’s unacceptable to the celebration to whom it will be utilized just isn’t a authorized precept in any respect; it’s a political software.
A doctrine that defeats Iran’s personal strategic pursuits
From the angle of worldwide relations concept, Iran’s place follows the logic of offensive realism, which seeks to take away the exterior balancing structure of regional neighbours by claiming it to be hostile in nature. Nevertheless, this method is empirically self-defeating.
Underneath stability of menace concept, states react to offensive functionality, geographic proximity, and aggressive intentions. Iran’s doctrine, in asserting the fitting to strike any state that hosts forces it perceives as a menace, drives every menace variable to most ranges for every state within the area. The apparent consequence, evident within the knowledge, is that the states within the area and exterior powers have gotten extra, fairly than much less, securely built-in. The Fifth Fleet’s everlasting base in Bahrain, the UAE’s negotiations over F-35s, Saudi Arabia’s deployments of THAADs, and Qatar’s growth of the Al Udeid base are reactions to Iran’s escalation, not causes of it.
From the angle of constructivism, the legitimacy of a authorized argument can be partly primarily based on the normative credibility of the state that presents the argument. The file of Iran’s compliance with IAEA rules, together with the enrichment of uranium to a purity stage of 60 p.c or extra in 2023–2024, interference with inspections, the elimination of monitoring cameras, and the general violation of the non-proliferation regime, has undermined the credibility of the state considerably. A state that’s itself a violator of the authorized regime can’t declare the function of a law-abiding state looking for safety below the norms of the authorized regime.
Iran’s authorized rationale was at all times theoretically incorrect. What has occurred since February 28, 2026, has made Iran’s actions morally and politically incorrect. Iran didn’t merely goal US navy belongings. The truth of the scenario is now documented and plain. Ballistic missiles and drones had been launched in opposition to Gulf states within the opening days of the battle. This marked the primary time one actor had concurrently attacked all six GCC states. Iran escalated its assaults in deliberate phases. Day 1: Iranian missiles had been fired in opposition to navy bases. Day 2: Iranian missiles had been fired in opposition to civilian infrastructure and airports. Day 3: Iranian missiles had been fired in opposition to the vitality sector. Days 3 and 4: The US Embassy in Riyadh was attacked by Iran. Worldwide airports in Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Kuwait had been attacked by Iranian missiles, ensuing within the suspension of flights all through the area. Movies from Bahrain documented an Iranian Shahed drone attacking an condominium constructing. This isn’t self-defence. That is the collective punishment of sovereign nations that went to extraordinary lengths to keep away from the battle.
The rationale offered by Iran falls flat when one considers the actions Iran itself took. Its doctrine held that solely targets concerned within the preparation or launch of an assault in opposition to Iran had been legit targets. Civilian airports are usually not navy bases. Lodges in Palm Jumeirah are usually not navy command centres. An condominium complicated in Manama just isn’t a weapons storage facility. By Iran’s personal acknowledged authorized rationale, none of those targets was legit, but they had been attacked. This was not a authorized doctrine in any respect; it was a pretext for coercion, and the conduct of conflict revealed this to be the case.
The views expressed on this article are the writer’s personal and don’t essentially mirror Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.
